The existential crisis within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) has deepened dramatically, with a group of its rebel Lok Sabha MPs, led by Barasat representative Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar, claiming that they had formally moved to align themselves with the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) at the Centre, setting off a fresh battle over parliamentary numbers, anti-defection provisions and the future of Mamata Banerjee’s party.
The development on June 8 came amidst growing signs of discontent within both the TMC organisation and its parliamentary wing since the crushing assembly election loss to the BJP.
Ghosh Dastidar announced that some 20 TMC MPs had decided to submit a letter to Lok Sabha speaker Om Birla, expressing their desire to support the NDA. The timing of the move was significant, coinciding with a meeting of Opposition INDIA bloc leaders in New Delhi attended by Mamata and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee, who is the TMC’s national general secretary.
“We have accepted the people’s verdict and believe that our future political course should be aligned with the NDA,” Ghosh Dastidar said. “Nearly 20 TMC MPs, including me, decided to lend support to the BJP-led NDA.”
The claim immediately triggered questions over whether the rebel MPs had the numbers required to avoid disqualification under the anti-defection law and whether Ghosh Dastidar still held any formal authority within the TMC’s parliamentary structure.
At the heart of the dispute are two competing communications sent to the Lok Sabha speaker. On May 20, Mamata had written to Birla that senior MP Kalyan Banerjee had been appointed the party’s chief whip in the Lok Sabha with immediate effect. In the letter, she described herself as the founder chairperson of the TMC and chairperson of its parliamentary party.
The rebel camp, however, has argued that the change was never properly processed by the Lok Sabha Secretariat and that Ghosh Dastidar continues to be recognised as the party’s chief whip. According to sources sympathetic to the rebels, this would strengthen their claim that they acted within parliamentary norms while consulting fellow MPs before deciding to support the NDA.
Ghosh Dastidar herself maintained that her removal as chief whip was neither legitimate nor effective. “As of now, I remain the chief whip of the TMC in the Lok Sabha,” she asserted. “The party chairperson may have announced my replacement from the post, but that does not alter the constitutional and parliamentary position overnight.”
The TMC leadership strongly disputes that interpretation. Party sources insist that Ghosh Dastidar’s claim carries little legal weight and argue that the decisive factor would be whether Birla accepts Mamata’s communication appointing Kalyan Banerjee as the chief whip.
The legal significance of the dispute is considerable. Under the 10th Schedule of the Constitution, a faction can avoid disqualification if at least two-thirds of the members of a legislature party agree to merge with another political formation or split in a legally recognised manner. With the TMC’s Lok Sabha strength at 28 members, supporters of the rebel camp claim they have crossed that threshold.
The rebellion did not emerge overnight. Ghosh Dastidar had quickly distanced herself from the party after the election defeat. She resigned from several organisational positions, including as national president of the All India Mahila Trinamool Congress and president of the Barasat organisational district. While retaining her Lok Sabha membership, she publicly criticised the party’s functioning and questioned the role of political consultancy firm I-PAC in decision-making.
Ghosh Dastidar accused the leadership of sidelining veteran grassroots workers and argued that excessive dependence on consultants had damaged the party’s organisational strength. She cited corruption controversies, including the school teachers’ recruitment and ration distribution scams, while expressing concern over the handling of women’s safety issues in Bengal.
Significantly, her attendance at an administrative review meeting chaired by chief minister Suvendu Adhikari further fuelled speculation that she was preparing for a complete break from the TMC.
Tensions escalated further when Mamata removed Ghosh Dastidar as chief whip and appointed Kalyan in her place. In response, she approached Birla with allegations against Kalyan, accusing him of repeated verbal abuse and misogynistic behaviour towards women MPs inside Parliament. Kalyan rejected the allegations even as reports suggested the matter could be referred to the Ethics Committee of Lok Sabha.
The TMC parliamentary rebellion was accompanied by another significant setback for the party in New Delhi. Senior Rajya Sabha MP Sukhendu Shekhar Roy resigned from both the TMC and the Upper House, despite having a term that extended until 2029. “I have met the Rajya Sabha chairman and submitted my resignation,” Roy said. “I had my tenure till 2029 in the Rajya Sabha, but I have resigned in principle from the party as it would be difficult for me to continue.”
The developments prompted sharp reactions from Trinamool leaders loyal to Mamata. Krishnanagar MP Mahua Moitra launched a blistering attack on the rebels, accusing them of betraying the mandate. “Mandate was NOT for NDA,” she wrote. “All the greedy self-serving traitors with yellow-stained pants can please join the BJP now—resign your seats and contest on BJP ticket. Let’s see what big heroes you are.”
Veteran MP Kirti Azad also rallied behind the Trinamool chief, declaring his loyalty to Mamata and warning that the party leadership would respond firmly to the challenge.
Meanwhile, senior BJP leaders, including Union minister Bhupender Yadav, Adhikari and Lok Sabha MP Biplab Kumar Deb, reportedly held discussions with some of the rebel TMC MPs as political manoeuvring intensified in the national capital. Interestingly, all of this happened when Mamata herself was in New Delhi.
For the BJP and NDA, the support of the rebel MPs would further strengthen their position in Parliament, helping in the passage of bills. For the Trinamool, however, the rebellion represents the gravest organisational and parliamentary crisis in its history.
The immediate battle shifts to Parliament, where the Lok Sabha speaker’s interpretation of rival claims, competing letters and anti-defection provisions could determine whether the TMC rebels emerge as a recognised bloc or face disqualification proceedings. But beyond the legal questions lies a larger political reality: the post-election turbulence that began with the TMC’s defeat in Bengal has now spilled onto the party’s parliamentary ranks, threatening to reshape the future of one of India’s most influential regional political forces, and perhaps of Bengal as a result.
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